Unlike the books, The End of History and the Last Man, The Clash of Civilization and the Remaking of the World Order, Kissinger's latest book World Order deals with the balance of power. In his own words, he analyses "how to build a shared international order in a world of divergent historical perspectives, violent conflict, proliferating technology, and ideological extremism". Francis Fukuyama, in his 1992 book (The End of History and the Last Man) argues that we are witnessing not just the end of the Cold War but the end of history which is the endpoint of mankind's ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government.1 Conversely, Samuel Huntington along with his the clash of civilizations thesis argues that the great divisions among humankind and the dominating source of conflict will be cultural and the principal conflicts will occur between nations and groups of different civilizations.

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Vol. 5 No: 1 Spring 2015 Challenging conventional thinking in the Caucasus

The Role of Mobility and Border Security

in EU-Azerbaijan Relations:

How Far Can They Go?

Michela Ceccorulli

Azerbaijani Community of the Nagorno-

Karabakh Region: Quest for Peace,

Justice and Returning Home

Rovshan Rzayev

Forced Humanitarianism: Turkey's

Syrian Policy and the Refugee Issue

Ariel González Levaggi

Internal Displacement in Azerbaijan:

Its Causes and Consequences.

Tofig Musayev

A Life on the Edge: Syrian IDPs

Zümrüt Sönmez

Stranded and Trapped:

The Syrian Refugee Crisis in Turkey

and International Inaction

Constanze Letsch

On Azerbaijani Refugees and

IDPs from Armenia and

Nagorno-Karabakh

Colluquy with Chingiz Ganizade

The Crisis of Multiculturalism in the UK:

Has It Failed?

Namig Abbasov

Contemporary Refugee Issues in the EU

and the Crises of Multiculturalism

Brendan Cole

2014: The Year 10 Million Syrians

Became an Insignificant Statistic

Salwa Amor

Book Review

Henry Kissinger: World Order

Caucasus Under Review:

Recently Published Books

Immigration Policy

in Europe Amid

Multiculturalism Crisis

Arastu Habibbayli

Life in a Tent…

The Unending Plight of Syrian

Refugees in Lebanon

Samar el Kadi

Displacement, Refugees

and Migration

in the Caucasus and Eurasia

147

* The Book Review was prepared by Dr. Özgür Tüfekçi, Senior Editor of Caucasus International

Henry Kissinger

Book Review*

World Order

148

Caucasus International

Henry Kissinger

World Order

Penguin Press: New York, 2014, 432 pp.

Unlike the books, The End of History and the Last Man , The

Clash of Civilization and the Remaking of the World Order,

Kissinger's latest book World Order deals with the balance of

power. In his own words, he analyses "how to build a shared

international order in a world of divergent historical perspec-

tives, violent conict, proliferating technology, and ideological

ext remism".

Francis Fukuyama, in his 1992 book (The End of History and the

Last Man) argues that we are witnessing not just the end of the

Cold War but the end of history which is the end point of man-

kind's ideological evolution and the universalization of Western

liberal democracy as the nal form of human government.1 Con-

versely, Samuel Huntington along with his the clash of civiliza-

tions thesis argues that the great divisions among humankind

and the dominating source of conict will be cultural and the

principal conicts will occur between nations and groups of dif-

ferent civilizations.2

In this sense, Henry Kissinger's book diverges from the afore-

mentioned books. Kissinger alleges that there has never been a

true "world order". According to him, for most of the human his-

tory, civilizations dened their own concepts of order and each

considered itself the center of the world. However, he claims

that the true "world order" requires civilizations to engage each

other. From his perspective, they are not destined to clash. On

the other hand, as a respond to Fukuyama's nal form of human

government thesis, Kissinger puts forward that "every region

participates in questions of high policy in every other, often in-

stantaneously. Yet, there is no consensus among the major actors

about the rules and limits guiding this process, or its ultimate

destination. The result is mounting tension".

1 Francis Fukuyama, "The End of History?", The National Interest, Summer 1989, [Accessed on

08.02.2015], <https://ps321.community.uaf.edu/les/2012/10/Fukuyama-End-of-history-article.pdf>

2 Samuel Huntington, "The Clash of Civilizations?", Foreign Affairs. February 2015, [Accessed

on 08.02.2015] <http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/48950/samuel-p-huntington/the-clash-of-

civilizations>.

149

Vol. 5 No: 1 Spring 2015

The book covers almost every corner of the world except Latin

America. Specically, it focuses on four different concepts of

"world order". The rst one is the European Balance-of-Power

system. In this concept, Kissinger makes attribution to the Peace

of Westphalia. According to him, "today the Westphalian con-

cepts are often maligned as a system of cynical power manipula-

tion, indifferent to moral claims. Yet the structure established in

the Peace of Westphalia represented the rst attempt to institu-

tionalize an international order on the basis of agreed rules and

limits and to base it on a multiplicity of powers rather than the

dominance of a single country" (p. 30).

The second concept is Islamic system. The book deals with the

Islamic world order from the Prophet Muhammad era to the

present time from the perspective of Islam's mission. Kissinger

argues that the Islamic world order was based on the mission to

incorporate dar al-harb (lands beyond the conquered regions)

into its own world order and thereby to bring universal peace.

The third concept is Asian balance of power understanding

which is examined from the three different perspectives (Japan,

India, and China). While Kissinger acknowledges that until the

arrival of the modern Western powers, no Asian language had a

word for "Asia", he also points out that the term "Asia" ascribes

a deceptive coherence to a disparate region. In this regard, he

emphasizes that the historical European order had been self-con-

tained although the contemporary Asian order includes outside

powers as an integral feature.

Kissinger's last world order concept is the American order. In

terms of this concept, he shares similar thoughts with Hillary

Clinton on the contemporary world order. While Clinton ex-

presses that the liberal international order that the United States

has worked for generations to build and defend seems to be un-

der pressure from every quarter3 , Kissinger puts forward that no

country has played such a decisive role in shaping contempo-

rary world order as the United States, nor professed such am-

bivalence about participation in it (p. 234).

All in all, expecting an impartial work from the 56th Secretary of

3 [Accessed on 08.02.2015], <http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/hillary-clinton-reviews-

henry-kissingers-world-order/2014/09/04/b280c654-31ea-11e4-8f02-03c644b2d7d0_story.html>

150

Caucasus International

State would be naivety. If you do so, you would be awakened by

the rst paragraph of the book. The following paragraph leads

the reader to understand what this 432 pages book is about:

In 1961, as a young academic, I called on President Harry S.

Truman when I found myself in Kansas City delivering a speech.

To the question of what in his presidency had made him most

proud, Truman replied, "That we totally defeated our enemies

and then brought them back to the community of nations. I would

like to think that only America would have done this. (p. 1) "

In a nutshell, Kissinger guides readers through crucial episodes

of recent world history and analyses the different world order

concepts. However, the bottom line is that according to him, "In

China and Islam, political contests were fought for control of an

established framework of order. Dynasties changed, but each

new ruling group portrayed itself as restoring a legitimate sys-

tem that had fallen into disrepair. In Europe, no such evolution

took hold. With the end of Roman rule, pluralism became the

dening characteristic of the European order (p.11) … America

has, over its history, played a paradoxical role in world order:

it expanded across a continent in the name of Manifest Destiny

while abjuring any imperial designs; exerted a decisive inu-

ence on momentous events while disclaiming any motivation of

national interest; and became a superpower while disavowing

any intention to conduct power politics (p. 234)".

The previous paragraph would be count as the summation of

Kissinger's thinking. Apart from that, the book deals with the

existing problems instead of proposing solutions. In this sense,

it would be logical to claim that Kissinger, with his book, sug-

gests that the US should lead the "world order" by assuming he-

gemony as it is the only country which could perform this duty.

From this perspective, some would nd this book brilliant. Yet,

it should not be forgotten that it has been written by a National

Security Advisor and Secretary of State under Richard Nixon

and Gerald Ford and embrace a specic way of understanding

and thinking.

Overall, the book is lucid and attractive. It has a great deal to

recommend it but should be read with eyes wide open.

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